T

he polemic about foreign policy reforms, as reflected in articles by Ambassador Djoko Susilo, '€œThe death of reforms in the foreign ministry'€ (Aug. 19) and the Foreign Affairs Ministry'€™s secretary general, Ambassador Y. Kristiarto S. Legowo, '€œDespite constraints, reforms alive and well at the Foreign Ministry'€ (Aug. 22), only underlines the need for changes, or even the '€œmindset revolution'€, in foreign policy and diplomacy and how they can be realized under the administration of president-elect Joko '€œJokowi'€ Widodo and vice president-elect Jusuf Kalla.

In accordance with Jokowi-Kalla'€™s platform, the four center stages of Indonesian foreign policy are maritime cooperation, Indonesia'€™s role as a middle power, regionalism beyond ASEAN that positions itself within the regional architecture of the Indo-Pacific region and the enhancement of diplomatic resources.

In terms of thematic approaches, the protection of Indonesian overseas workers, public diplomacy, economic diplomacy and the issue of Palestine are among the fundamental bedrocks of Jokowi'€™s foreign relations agenda.

The '€œmindset revolution'€ in areas of diplomacy will be mutually intertwined with the aforementioned programs on foreign policy and the foreign relations agenda.

These are some points of foreign policy reform that Indonesia under Jokowi'€™s leadership can implement. First, reforms in human resources development are paramount to shape quality foreign policy and diplomacy. Our pressing need is the formulation of a Foreign Service Law, which will serve as a procedural mechanism for diplomatic positions. Ambassadorship, for instance, is the only state-appointed position where its designation has not yet been regulated under a law, despite the constitutional mandate.

Ambassadorial appointment has to be done transparently, accountably and by professional standards. While it is indeed the president'€™s prerogative, the appointment of ambassadors should not merely follow political consideration without taking competency and merit into account. Ambassadors are expected to be appointed largely from professionals who have the utmost familiarity and are systemically trained to conduct diplomacy accountably. An open selection to appoint ambassadors is urgently needed.

Personnel assignment on all diplomatic levels should follow an open and transparent selection process. It is hoped that during Jokowi'€™s presidency, the lack of accountability and transparency in promoting and appointing foreign ministry'€™s officials, including ambassadors, can be addressed.

Second, the Foreign Ministry has to be more inclusive and open to the public. The ministry needs to engage directly with intellectual debates and discussions on ongoing public aspirations in all forms of implementation.

This, for instance, also applies to personnel affairs, which require a radical management overhaul. For instance, all career diplomats below ambassadorial level should not strictly be recruited as civil service officials. Law No. 5/2014 on the Civil Service Apparatus made it possible for diplomats to be non-civil state officials, formally known as '€œgovernment personnel with work contract'€.

Third, Indonesian leaders have to confidently convey their thoughts on national positions and priorities on the global stage without much hesitation.

We need, for instance, to come back to the time where the concept of the '€œNew Maritime Indonesia Declaration'€ was echoed. This declaration emphasized the sovereignty and autonomy of Indonesia in all encompassing regions.

This unilateral initiative was important in the way that it boosted national confidence, and in so doing emanated a reciprocal understanding from the international community that Indonesia was indeed committed to its sovereignty, territorial integrity and new maritime cooperation.

Fourth, there is a need to follow two parallel mainstream thoughts in the field of substantive foreign policy. The commitment that has been agreed upon by the outgoing administration needs to be respected.

On one hand, the ASEAN community program, APEC, G20, World Trade Organization (WTO), climate change, the Chiang Mai Initiative, and so forth, are subject to continuation. On the other hand, in accordance with the spirit of change that he himself promises to implement,

Jokowi needs to formulate a fresh foreign policy agenda. Public attention toward this initiative is expected to grow, to say the least. Indonesian foreign policy under Jokowi should be able to stimulate national pride, as well as to render protection of Indonesians overseas, in keeping with his vision and mission objectives for the people of Indonesia.

Fifth, Indonesia should be able to gain control of new international forum establishments. Considering that maritime cooperation has become one of Jokowi'€™s foreign policy priorities, the first agenda to that respect could be a new maritime alliance. Indonesia has the opportunity to invite all the archipelagic states, e.g. Japan, the Philippines, the UK, and states with global maritime power status, e.g. the US, China, Russia, to come together and talk on the agenda of a new international maritime order.

Sixth, Jokowi can revamp the old romanticism of president Sukarno'€™s idea into a more contemporary format. The President can, for instance, introduce his equivalent of the Conference of the New Emerging Forces (CONEFO). While its modality would be subject to further analysis, the start-off point would be to formalize an '€œembryonic forum'€ of middle-power states, such as that of MINT (Mexico, Indonesia, Nigeria and Turkey), which was preceded by BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa).

Seventh, and lastly, there have to be radical changes in the approach to economic diplomacy. The question of institutional coordination, therefore, needs to be properly addressed as economic cooperation becomes increasingly vital to Indonesian diplomacy.

Jokowi has made it clear that all Indonesian ambassadors are to take active roles in economic negotiations.

If economic diplomacy is to prevail under Jokowi, the now defunct Directorate General of Economic Diplomacy within the Foreign Ministry should be reinstated.