The Gulf crisis has hit the eighth week of its diplomatic standoff. Prior to the trade siege, and right after the Qatar News Agency cyber-attack that U.S. intelligence officials now attribute to the UAE, the media voice between the parties involved was vehement. [...] Qatar’s communications have capitalized on three elements: 1) show concern; 2) prove that Qatari leaders are in control; and 3) display commitment to stakeholders.
Ilhem Allagui looks at the Qatari government's successful crisis management amid a GCC breakup threat.
A new USC Annenberg study shows that the most visible figures in American and global media are doing a disservice to their field.
A new article by Ilan Manor looks at the U.S. State Department's attempts at branding America.
A closer look at this situation, which still stands today, shows a lack of Moroccan public relations campaigns in the region, a meager performance by the Moroccan embassy in Mexico City and a poor understanding of the foreign affairs “machineries” in Latin America. It did not take me long to realize, with the help of a Mexican PRI Senator [...] that the Polisario has indeed a diplomatic “machinery” in Central and South America.
Though the Taliban has relied on technology for over a decade in the name of propaganda and public relations, its relationship with social media has only taken root in the last few years, in parallel with the rise of ISIS. Just as terrorist organizations in the Middle East have made Facebook pages, Telegram channels, and Twitter accounts, the Taliban has expanded the breadth and depth of its outreach to the international community in general and the news media in particular.